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If one takes the ideologues who rule over America at their word, then the governing principles of this country’s reigning regime are things like fairness, equality, diversity, or “anti-racism.”

But of course, anybody with a brain today isn’t taking America’s rulers at their word. It is obvious, and has been for many years now, that there is no spirit of “fairness” or “anti-racism” in the heart of their ideology. Instead, the spirit at the heart of America’s leadership is bitter, envious, resentful, hateful.

Who is it hateful toward? You know who. The modern American regime is built on explicit, institutionalized hostility to the people who most resemble the great Americans of the past. It is anti-white, anti-male, anti-Christian, anti-rural, and anti-middle class. The more of these traits a person has, the more worthy of hate they become. The more the Globalist American Empire decays and squanders the inheritance it was given, the more bile and hatred it directs against those who symbolize what came before.

But those on the receiving end of this new discriminatory regime may not appreciate its full scope or the ultimate fate that the Globalist American Empire has planned for them. They may see recent anti-white animus as a temporary spell, or a limited affair that can be waited out.

They are wrong. America’s shrinking white middle class are the target of an ever-intensifying cycle, whose mechanics are ripped straight from another oppressive regime, the Soviet Union of the 1920s and 30s.

The white American middle class have become America’s kulaks — Blamed for every problem, vilified for every success, and deserving of every punishment. Their destruction has become a fundamental goal of American political life. 

What was a kulak? The term comes from Russian, and like so many other words popularized by a radical left regime, the definition was anything but stable. As Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn explained a half-century ago in The Gulag Archipelago:

In Russian a kulak is a miserly, dishonest rural trader who grows rich not by his own labor but through someone else’s, through usury and operating as a middleman. In every locality even before the Revolution such kulaks could be numbered on one’s fingers. And the Revolution totally destroyed their basis of activity. Subsequently, after 1917, by a transfer of meaning, the name kulakhegan to be applied (in official and propaganda literature, whence it moved into general usage) to all those who in any way hired workers, even if it was only when they were temporarily short of working hands in their own families.

…

[T]he inflation of this scathing term kulak proceeded relentlessly, and by 1930 all strong peasants in general were being so called — all peasants strong in management, strong in work, or even strong merely in convictions. The term kulak was used to smash the strength of the peasantry.

…

[A]nd now these peasants, whose breadgrain had fed Russia in 1928, were hastily uprooted by local good-for-nothings and city people sent in from outside. Like raging beasts, abandoning every concept of “humanity,” abandoning all humane principles which had evolved through the millennia, they began to round up the very best farmers and their families, and to drive them, stripped of their possessions, naked, into the northern wastes, into the tundra and the taiga.

In short order, kulaks were the catch-all class enemy for the Bolshevik regime. Peasant uprisings were “kulak revolts,” because it was inconceivable that ordinary peasants might rebel against the workers’ paradise. And any ordinary civilians who opposed agricultural collectivization, or were simply seen as a threat to local leaders, were apt to be branded kulaks or kulak-enablers.

The consequences of being a kulak were lethal, as shown by Lenin’s “Hanging Order” of 1918:

Comrades! The revolt by the five kulak volost’s must be suppressed without mercy. The interest of the entire revolution demands this, because we have now before us our final decisive battle with the kulaks. We need to set an example.

1) You need to hang (hang without fail, so that the public sees) at least 100 notorious kulaks, the rich, and the bloodsuckers.
2) Publish their names.
3) Take away all of their grain.
4) Execute the hostages – in accordance with yesterday’s telegram.

This needs to be accomplished in such a way, that people for hundreds of miles around will see, tremble, know and scream out: let’s choke and strangle those blood-sucking kulaks.

Telegraph us acknowledging receipt and execution of this.

Yours, Lenin

P.S. Use your toughest people for this.

After the civil war, the purge of kulaks paused, but in 1928 Joseph Stalin reignited the persecution with a furious campaign of “de-kulakization.” State propaganda organs collectively denounced the kulaks as a class, deserving of annihilation, and all the while the definition kept expanding.

By 1930, a kulak was defined as anybody who used hired labor, owned a mill or other processing equipment, rented land, engaged in moneylending, or otherwise collected an income through non-labor sources. Kulaks were accused of sabotaging the Soviet government by withholding grain from the market and otherwise being the source of the state’s problems.

And so, throughout the 1930s, “de-kulakization” was the order of the day. Kulaks has their land and grain seized without compensation, and were herded to far-off labor camps. As the kulaks were liquidated, the USSR’s agricultural system fell into chaos, plunging the country into a famine which killed millions. But these failures only escalated the amount of hatred heaped onto the kulak “wreckers,” who continued to face deportation or an executioner’s bullet. Such was the fate of the left’s designated enemies.

An important component of de-kulakization is that the kulaks were a scapegoat. From the beginning they were an easy target; envy of the haves by the have-nots is a constant of all human history, and in Communism’s case was foundational to its whole worldview. But Communism didn’t work, so the core ideas of the USSR were fundamentally impossible. When harvests, industrial output, and overall growth failed to meet the Communist Party’s lofty promises, this led to even more hatred heaped on the kulaks. The kulaks were a living, humiliating embodiment of the system’s failure: Peasants who succeeded based on their own abilities and not as a collective achievement of socialist will.

And so it is again, today. Who is the American kulak? Like in the USSR, the definition is loose and ever-expanding. Some of the traits that push one toward kulakdom are obvious: Superficial markers like being white and male. But other kulak traits are less immediately obvious. They are the social markers of kulakdom: Being a small business owner, being the married parent of young children, being a heritage American descended from those who sailed on the Mayflower, signed the Declaration of Independence, or fought in the Civil War.

Like the Russian kulaks, American kulaks represent the national hinterland. They are physically and politically remote from any center of real power, yet vilified as the source of all the nation’s problems. Unlike the Russian kulak, American kulakdom is racialized: To be a white is to be a kulak, unless one is admitted to a narrow band of the elect. But it is not exclusively whites who are kulaks. Just as in Russia a poor peasant who aggravated the regime was swiftly branded a kulak, a non-white who makes too much common cause with “white” priorities will also be a kulak, as NYU professor Cristina Beltrán wrote in The Washington Post:

Rooted in America’s ugly history of white supremacy, indigenous dispossession and anti-blackness, multiracial whiteness is an ideology invested in the unequal distribution of land, wealth, power and privilege. … Multiracial whiteness reflects an understanding of whiteness as a political color and not simply a racial identity — a discriminatory worldview in which feelings of freedom and belonging are produced through the persecution and dehumanization of others.

…

Multiracial whiteness offers citizens of every background the freedom to call Muslims terrorists, demand that undocumented immigrants be rounded up and deported, deride BLM as a movement of thugs and criminals, and accuse Democrats of being blood-drinking pedophiles.

The American kulak, whatever his color, is a person who understands the great country that America was. They are a person who expects and demands safe streets, effective infrastructure, and quality public schools, and who helped create and perpetuate those things in the past.

The American kulak is a person who remembers and longs for a country that didn’t hate its own people, its own heroes, its own history. The American kulak is a person who believes in all those mundane traits that CRT handouts describe as facets of “white supremacy.”

Obviously, it’s not entirely clear that America’s regime is plotting the literal extermination of the kulaks (though they don’t care much if they fall victim to “mostly peaceful” protests). Rather, the important parallel with the Soviet case is this: America’s kulak class are the only acceptable villains of American society.

Just like the kulak farmers who drew envy for their success, every day the ordinary white middle class continues to exist at all is a daily indictment of the system. Every day their children succeed in school is a day that the “racial achievement gap” fails to go away. Every home they buy widens the ownership gap. Every successful business they create is one that doesn’t qualify as a minority-owned business.

At this point, it is routine and casual for the press, the academy, entertainment, and the government itself to stoke fear, envy, and hatred for white middle-class Americans. They are the villain caste of American life. It is impossible for kulak-Americans to enjoy any advantage over any other group of Americans, and not have that advantage attributed to racism, greed, genocide, and generational theft.

In September, The Atlantic published an article titled “American Gentry.” The article’s message, in short, is to forget about America’s billionaire class or the incompetent power elites of Washington D.C. or New York. No, the real focus of animosity should be local small business owners, who are, of course, “mostly white.”

The American gentry stands at the apex of the social order throughout huge swaths of the country. It shapes our economic and political world thanks to its resources and comparatively large numbers, yet it’s practically invisible to the popular eye.

Forget the skyscrapers and opulent country mansions, the elite family dynamics of Succession and the antics of the Kardashians and Kardashian-adjacent; look instead to the far more numerous multimillion-dollar planned golf-course communities and their controlling homeowners’ associations. Think about the informal property-development deals struck between sweating local grandees at the country-club bar in Odessa, Texas, or Knoxville, Tennessee.

Power resides in gated communities and local philanthropic boards, in the ownership of staggering numbers of fast-food franchises, and in the smooth transmission of a large construction company’s assets to a new generation of small-yacht owners. Power can be found in group photos of half-soused, overweight men in ill-fitting polo shirts, and in the millionaires ready and willing to fly their private jets to Washington, D.C., in support of a certain would-be authoritarian. The yeoman developer of luxury condominiums, the single-digit-millionaire meatpacking-plant owner, the property-management entrepreneur: These were the people who, remembering or inventing their tradition of dominance over their towns and cities, flocked to Make America Great Again.

[The Atlantic]

When the New York Times staggered around last year looking for the reason school achievement gaps still exist, they knew who to blame: Nice white parents. Revolver said of that podcast last year:

No matter what these white parents do, it’s always bad. It’s bad when they transfer into a non-white school, as in the first episode. But in the second and third episodes, they are vilified for not attending these schools as well. In the third episode, an amorphous blob of “white parents” are attacked for getting a gifted program created at a New York middle school. According to Joffe-Walt, non-white students were kept out by “biased questions” on tests, though not one such question is ever read for the listener.

This tone persists throughout all of Nice White Parents. Not a tone of hatred, per se, but one of disgust, and collective race-based condemnation. White families are “unreliable;” they “pay no attention to the actual voices and needs of families of color.” They are greedy: at one point Joffe-Walt says the key question for fixing schools is “how do we stop white parents from hoarding all the resources?”

READ THE REST: In New Podcast, The New York Times Castigates “Nice White Parents” For Caring About Their Children

Some of the tells of kulak-hatred are subtle: For the past year, the Associated Press, the New York Times, and countless other press outlets have been capitalizing every race except white. According to the AP, this change was explicitly made because whites have no “shared history” and never face discrimination based on skin color:

AP’s style is now to capitalize Black in a racial, ethnic or cultural sense, conveying an essential and shared sense of history, identity and community among people who identify as Black, including those in the African diaspora and within Africa. The lowercase black is a color, not a person. AP style will continue to lowercase the term white in racial, ethnic and cultural senses.

We also now capitalize Indigenous in reference to original inhabitants of a place.

These decisions align with long-standing capitalization of distinct racial and ethnic identifiers such as Latino, Asian American and Native American. … White people generally do not share the same history and culture, or the experience of being discriminated against because of skin color. …[C]apitalizing the term white, as is done by white supremacists, risks subtly conveying legitimacy to such beliefs.

But in 2021, most attacks require no such subtly:

A professor at Rutgers University said that white people can’t afford to have children and “kind of deserve it” in a September virtual conference hosted by a prominent black-oriented publication.

Brittney Cooper, a professor of women’s and gender studies and Africana studies at Rutgers, made the statement during a session of the Root Institute conference.

…

“White people’s birth rates are going down… because they literally cannot afford to put their children, newer generations, into the middle class… It’s super perverse, and also they kind of deserve it.”

Cooper also said that she wants to say, “We gotta take these motherf*****s out,” but that she can’t because “I don’t believe in a project of violence” and that “our souls would suffer” from doing so.

“I think that white people are committed to being villains in the aggregate,” she said.

To be a kulak means that one presumptively has no rights or interests worthy of defense. Consider the reaction to the protests against critical race theory in Virginia’s schools during the recent gubernatorial race:

For Juan Williams, and the rest of America’s ruling class, the argument simply ends there: The parents protesting are “white” (either literally or politically), so they deserve no consideration whatsoever. They certainly don’t deserve the right not to be demonized in state-funded schools. They are kulaks. They exist to be trampled.

When exit polls in Virginia suggested that white women had supported winning gubernatorial candidate Glenn Youngkin, they immediately became the designated villains, bearing racial guilt for the Democratic Party’s failures.

According to Pulitzer Prize winner, MacArthur “Genius,” and all-around clown Nikole Hannah Jones, it is a sign of “immaturity” and “selfishness” when kulaks try to escape “collective responsibility” for the actions of those who died centuries before them.

Who wore it better?

What’s a good way to administer collective punishment to the kulaks? Obviously, “reparations” paid out to every group except them is one way. But another, more blunt instrument is simply denying medical care on the basis of race, which is already happening around the country.

Archive video link.

Simply being happy, or present in too many numbers, is enough to set off the modern regime’s kulak alarm bells.

The most obvious anti-kulak measure of all, though, is the permanent Camp of the Saints at the U.S. border, whose obvious purpose is to wash away the kulak class’s demographic importance beneath a tide of poorer, more pliant recent immigrants.

Why must the American kulaks be destroyed? Because, fundamentally, they are an obstacle. An obstacle to everything.

American small businesses run lean operations, which cannot hand fat sinecures to useless, obese Diversity, Inclusion, Equity commissars. They have far more to fear from rioting, looting, shoplifting, and general mayhem; their work is in the real world rather than cyberspace, and if their place of business is burned or plundered, they don’t have a thousand others locations to pick up the slack. Their belief in merit and work stands in the way of a society where wealth is doled out based on birth and class. Their basic goodness and worthiness is what renders the demands of worthless, hateful Bioleninist freak shows so pathetic and risible. Their ability to recognize and appreciate fine things in life, whether it’s meat or living space or a personal vehicle, stands in the way of the campaign to reduce Americans to atomized bugmen living in pods and eating crickets.

Archive link.
S

America’s de-kulakization process is, above all, about breaking and demoralizing Americans so they will no longer demand or expect better, and providing a villain for the Globalist American Empire to project its failures onto. 

The American kulak class must understand the nature of the campaign against it, if it is to survive. American kulaks are not participating in ordinary democracy. They are not experiencing ordinary ideological disagreement with a person who has their best interests at heart. They cannot reason with their foes by pointing out all the harm they will suffer from the American regime’s suicidal policies, whether it’s emptying prisons or obliterating the border or replacing mathematics with race propaganda in schools.

American kulaks must realize that the hatred brought against them will not dissipate as the ruling elite’s policies fail. Instead, hatred will intensify, as every year of failure simply shows that America’s bedrock of white male privilege is deeper and more pervasive than previously imagined. New angles of attack will be found, and new discriminatory laws imposed, to deny the kulak opportunity, to make him poorer and more atomized and more addicted.

The American kulak must realize that this struggle can only end in two ways. Either the regime that hates him will be torn down completely — or he will be destroyed.

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